Three ways Russia can curry favor with China.
- CosDream News

- May 5, 2024
- 2 min read
Updated: Jun 5, 2024
In the current turmoil of international politics, Russia is facing unprecedented challenges.
Western containment and geopolitical tensions make it imperative for the Russian government to formulate its strategy carefully.
In this context, the Russian government is considering a series of measures to win China's support, including the return of outer Northeast China, support for the return of Outer Mongolia, and even consider giving up Vladivostok
. However, the implementation of these strategies faces great challenges.
First, it is less likely to be returned to outer Northeast.
While there have been calls for the territory to be returned, the Sino-Russian border has been confirmed by treaty, making such a move extremely difficult.
As an important part of the Russian Far East, the outer northeast was once part of the Chinese territory.
However, with the change of the international situation and the in-depth development of Sino-Russian relations, the voice of returning the outer northeast is gradually rising. However, it must be soberly realized that China and Russia have confirmed the existing border through the boundary treaty, and the possibility of returning the outer northeast is very small.
Second, supporting the idea of the return of Outer Mongolia to China also faces many difficulties.
Outer Mongolia's status as an independent state has been recognized by the international community, and any attempt to change this status quo could trigger regional instability and international conflict.
Outer Mongolia, as an independent state, enjoys a sovereign status in the international community. However, Outer Mongolia was historically part of China, so some people think that Russia should help return Outer Mongolia to China.
However, this approach ignores the complexities of realpolitik and international relations. Outer Mongolia as an independent country, its status has been widely recognized by the international community.
Moreover, China, Russia and Mongolia have formed a relatively stable pattern in geopolitics, and any change may trigger chain reactions and destabilizing factors.
Finally, giving up Vladivostok is a very challenging choice for Russia.
Vladivostok is the economic and strategic center of Russia's Far East, and abandoning it would seriously harm Russia's interests.
Vladivostok, as an important port city in the Russian Far East, has an important strategic position and economic value.
However, some argue that Russia should give up Vladivostok in exchange for closer cooperation with China.
Such thinking, while somewhat imaginative, overlooks the importance of Vladivostok to the development of the Russian Far East.
Russia's economic layout and military deployment in the Far East cannot be separated from Vladivostok's support. Giving up Vladivostok is therefore an impractical option for Russia.
Nevertheless, with the changes in the international situation and the in-depth development of China-Russia relations, it is still possible for the two sides to carry out closer cooperation in some areas, such as strengthening economic cooperation and cultural exchanges.
In conclusion, Russia needs to carefully consider the complexities of national interests, realpolitik, and international relations when making strategic choices.
Although these strategic issues are difficult to achieve in the short term, the two sides can seek a win-win way through open dialogue and pragmatic attitude.











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