Indian media criticizes Modi: "Your actions have destroyed over twenty years of India's diplomatic efforts."

In April of this year, India was at the height of its prominence on the international stage.

The Vice President of the United States made a special trip to visit New Delhi, expressing strong support for India and declaring that the "India-US alliance has entered a new era."

At the same time, Modi followed suit with a strong stance, publicly promoting his policy toward China.

This all made Indian media boastfully report that India had become the "new darling of the US in Asia."

However, less than a month later, the situation took a sharp turn.

On May 7, the Pakistani Air Force successfully shot down three Indian Rafale fighter jets with Chinese-made air defense missiles.

The news quickly reached New Delhi, catching the Indian government off guard.

What made it even more embarrassing for Modi was that, the next day, Trump openly stated in a White House speech, "I stopped the India-Pakistan war," and even mocked India's air force for being under-equipped.

This was undoubtedly a slap in the face for India.

Then, in early August, Trump signed an executive order to increase economic pressure on India: criticizing India for purchasing Russian oil in violation of regulations and imposing tariffs on Indian goods imported to the US, which severely impacted India's exports to the US.

According to statistics from India’s Ministry of Commerce, India’s exports to the US had grown by more than 20% from April to July, but once the tariffs took effect, industries such as clothing and jewelry were immediately affected, facing the risk of losing the US market, with Indian businesses crying out in distress.

Ironically, the Indian government had just managed to bring Apple’s production line to India, and smartphone exports had grown by 30% last year.

However, the US market accounted for over half of this share, and with the addition of tariffs, these "Made in India" phones ultimately saw higher prices borne by American consumers.

At the same time, the domestic situation in India also began to shift.

Rahul Gandhi, the leader of the Congress Party, seized the opportunity to criticize the Modi government, accusing it of being "Trump’s ATM."

He not only questioned Modi in parliament but also posted satirical images on social media, mocking the US ambassador kneeling in front of the Indian flag.

This intense rhetoric drew widespread attention, particularly among the public, damaging Modi’s government image.

Despite Modi’s attempt to divert the topic in his Independence Day speech on August 15, calling for "protection of farmers' interests," it was widely understood that this was merely a temporary measure.

India's agricultural tariffs had already reached 39%, and the US had been pressuring India to open its market.

Farmers' organizations in India had begun organizing protests.

More troublesome was the fracture beginning to emerge in Modi’s core support base—the business community and the stock market.

Business owners in Gujarat were furious over the export decline, and the Bombay Stock Exchange plummeted due to the tariff issue, with investor dissatisfaction evident in the stock market drop.

Against this backdrop, the opposition parties seized the opportunity to introduce a motion of no confidence.

Although Modi narrowly defeated the challenge with a majority in parliament, this storm exposed the government's vulnerability.

At this point, the US seemed to begin re-evaluating its relationship with India and turned to court Pakistan, forcing Modi to seek alternative diplomatic channels.

Thus, he actively sought cooperation with China.

On August 18, the foreign ministers of China and India held talks and reached ten cooperation agreements, including the resumption of direct flights, expanding pilgrimage scales, and strengthening economic and trade cooperation.

More importantly, Modi planned his first visit to China in seven years, marking a significant shift in India's diplomatic strategy.

Before this, Indian media had claimed that this move was merely a "temporary measure," but in reality, India’s dependence on China was increasingly deepening.

According to data, India's trade deficit with China had nearly reached $100 billion in the previous fiscal year, and 60% of global electronics manufacturing is controlled by China.

If India does not compromise, it will find it hard to protect itself.

India’s military policy also quietly changed.

The Indian Ministry of Defense suspended its plan to purchase American anti-submarine aircraft and began negotiating with Russia to purchase air defense systems.

At the same time, during a Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting, the Indian representative did not mention border issues but focused on discussing "BRICS cooperation," which surprised Western media, who believed Modi might be returning to a non-aligned path reminiscent of Nehru's era.

However, this shift was not without cost.

Domestic nationalist sentiment had risen, forcing Modi to walk a tightrope in Sino-Indian relations.

On the one hand, India promoted the resumption of direct flights with China; on the other hand, it banned over 300 Chinese apps.

At a May rally, Modi urged people to "buy Indian goods" while using racially discriminatory language to criticize Chinese products, causing protests in northeastern India.

This contradictory situation filled Modi’s foreign policy with irreconcilable tensions.

This series of diplomatic dilemmas fundamentally reflects the Modi government's misjudgment of the international situation.

He became obsessed with the fantasy of "India’s rise" while ignoring the complexities of the real world.

The Wired website bluntly pointed out that Modi’s foreign policy relied too much on intuition and personal feeling, lacking a deep understanding of international politics.

Now, India stands at a crossroads, forced to make a difficult choice between aligning with the US or cooperating with China.

Whichever path is chosen, India will have to pay the price.

China is taking this opportunity to expand its influence in South Asia.

On August 20, Hainan Yangpu opened a direct foreign trade route to India, and this is just the beginning.

Deeper changes are underway, with Pakistan strengthening anti-terrorism cooperation under US support, while India has no choice but to rely on China to balance external pressures.

In the next decade, the geopolitical landscape of South Asia may undergo profound changes, and the competition among the three countries will determine the balance of regional power.

Indian media criticized Modi for destroying two decades of diplomatic efforts, and this is not without merit.

For India, the shift from being "America's darling" to having to bow to China for help has brought a huge gap.

This diplomatic predicament is something India will have to digest on its own.